Tom Araya skrev 2021-08-10 18:45:28 följande:
De vore intressanta att läsa, om du hittar dem.
Jag torr att detta är en av de studier som det ofta refereras till..
enjoy
scholar.harvard.edu/files/bobo/files/1996_racism_conservatism_affirmative_action_and_journal_of_personality_and_social_psychology.pdf
"There are two major results of interest in Table 3. First, without exception, classical racism was related to political conservatism within all five levels of educational sophistication. Second, despite the negative relationship between racism and educational achievement, and even after factoring in the fact that the reliability of both the racism and conservatism measures were lower for participants with lower levels of education, inspection of the unstandardized regression coefficients reveals that the strength of the relationship between political conservatism and classical racism increased rather than decreased with increasing educational sophistication. Similarly, whereas 10% of the variance of political conservatism could be accounted for by classical racism among freshmen, 34% of this variance could be accounted for by classical racism among graduate students. In other words, the more intellectually sophisticated the students became, the more their political ideologies could be understood in terms of the desire for White superiority and racial dominance
....
These data support one aspect of the principled conservatism thesis. Independent of racism, political ideology has an effect on Whites' opposition to affirmative action, and this effect increases as a function of intellectual sophistication. Therefore, one cannot account for conservative opposition to affirmative action solely in terms of racism, especially at higher levels of formal education.
However, the positive correlation between political conservatism and racism also increased rather than decreased with greater education.
...
Using full-scale structural equation models, we repeated the series of partial correlation analyses reported in Study 2.
Consistent with the results from the previous two studies, there was a positive and statistically significant correlation between the latent continua of political conservatism and classical racism (r [146] = .23, p <, .01). Following the reasoning of social dominance theory and the results from Study 2, one would expect that the residual correlation between political conservatism and classical racism would disappear once the effects of SDO have been partialed out (see Figure 2). Inspection of Figure 2 confirms this expectation and shows that the results from Study 2 were replicated. Inspection of the standardized coefficients in Figure 2 (Model 1) reveal that after SDO is partialed out, the residual correlation between racism and political conservatism was no longer positive or statistically significant (r[ 145] = -.06, ns). Also consistent with the results from Study 2, political conservatism was not able to completely account for the relationship between SDO and racism, and racism was not able to completely account for the relationship between SDO and political conservatism.
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Advocates of the principled conservatism model make three claims about the racial attitudes of White Americans: (1) political conservatism is essentially orthogonal to classical racism; (2) although conservatism might be associated with racism among the intellectually unsophisticated, among those who are intellectually sophisticated this correlation should be weak or nonexistent; (3) conservative opposition to government-sponsored social policy, such as affirmative action, is not driven by racism or the desire for group dominance but rather by political values that are independent of these two factors. More important, the unique contribution of political conservatism to racial policy attitudes should increase as a function of increasing educational sophistication. The general dominance paradigm maintains that (a) political conservatism and racism are not orthogonal to one another but rather share a common core concerning the desire to establish unequal and hierarchical relationships among groups; (b) the relationship between racism and political conservatism will increase, not decrease, as a function of increasing intellectual sophistication; (c) whereas political conservatism may influence opposition to affirmative action independently of classical racism or group dominance drives, the effect of these latter factors on affirmative action attitudes will nevertheless increase rather than decrease as people become more intellectually sophisticated. Congruent with the principled conservatism position (and with several other models, including symbolic racism, see Sears, 1988), the data showed that opposition to affirmative action among Whites cannot be exclusively understood in terms of either anti-Black affect, classical racism, or SDO. As suggested by Sniderman, Piazza, Tetlock, and Kendrick (1991) and many others, political values that are quite irreducible to these more "aggressive" factors seem involved as well. Most important for the principled conservatism position, the net effect of political values on affirmative action attitudes tended to increase as a function of increasing intellectual sophistication. However, this is the only point for which we found support for the principled conservatism position. Proponents of this model (e.g., Jacoby, 1994; Sniderman, Piazza, Tetlock, & Kendrick, 1991) suggest that although political conservatives might well harbor some negative affect toward Blacks, conservatism should neither be strongly correlated with classical racism nor with related constructs such as SDO. To the degree that there is any relationship between political conservatism and racism, this relationship should systematically decrease with advancing educational and intellectual sophistication. However, data from all three samples here offer no support for this hypothesis. The exact opposite trend presented itself. The correlations among political conservatism, racism, and SDO tended to be weakest among the most poorly educated and strongest among the very well educated.
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We are not simply stating that political conservatism and classical racism are related, for there is now relatively little doubt that this is true (for evidence see Dator, 1969; Eysenck, 1951, 1971, 1976; Eysenck & Coulter, 1972; Jackson & Kirby, 1991; Nias, 1972; Sidanius, 1987; Sidanius & Ekehammar, 1979; Sidanius, Ekehammar, & Ross, 1979; Stone & Russ,
1976; Wilson, 1973; Wilson & Bagley, 1973; Wilson & Lee, 1974; Wilson & Patterson, 1968; also Barker, 1981). The social dominance perspective provides us with an explanation as to why racism and political conservatism are so consistently and ubiquitously related. Social dominance theory suggests that the relationship between these two domains is grounded in their proponents' common desire for nonegalitarian and hierarchically structured group relations.'' Political conservatism can be most often regarded as concerned with the social equality of economic or class groups (e.g., Centers, 1949; Eysenck, 1951, 1971; Hamilton, 1972; Huber & Form, 1973; Welch & Foster, 1987), whereas racism is most directly concerned with the equality of racial groups. However, at the cores of both belief systems lies an opposition to group equality, and the endorsement of hierarchical group relations. This interpretation of the interface between racism and political conservatism is most directly supported by Study 3, which showed that the positive correlation between racism and political conservatism completely disappeared once SIX) was partialed out (see also Sidanius & Pratto, 1993b). Using a random sample of Swedish young people, Sidanius and Pratto (1993b) also found that the correlation between racism and political conservatism could be completely accounted for in terms of generalized antiegalitarianism."